En September, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a populist party classified as far right, made a notable breakthrough during the regional elections in Thuringia, where it came in first, but also in Saxony and Brandenburg . It was not a surprise, but it is a first since the post-war period. The scores obtained by the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), a diverse populist party born from a break with Die Linke (“the left”) in January, are also significant.
Without prejudging the balance of power that will result from the federal elections scheduled for September 2025, these results demonstrate the destabilization of the traditional party system. They are also explained, in part, by the persistent specificities of these Länder of the former East Germany (GDR). In this regard, certain fragilities of economic structures, an aging demographic, a political culture less structured by parties than by personalities, or even the exploitation of anti-immigration arguments and those of proximity are cited in turn. with Russia in the context of the war against Ukraine. There is also a feeling of being second-class citizens, sometimes attributed to the reunification process of October 3, 1990, a historic event of which we are celebrating the 34th anniversary today.
In May, during the celebrations of the 75th anniversary of the Basic Law, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) adopted on May 23, 1949, certain voices did not fail to emphasize that in East Germany the Constitution was not 35 years old! This was an opportunity to review the flaws in the constitutional process implemented after the fall of the Berlin Wall.
Constitution of the West extended to the East
On November 9, 1989, a major constitutional choice arose: did a reunified Germany need a new Constitution adopted by all the German people? Or should it be content to extend the Western Constitution to the new Eastern Länder, after their accession, without express approval by referendum?
Of these two options, the second was chosen. The reasons for this are multiple. This path was necessary to take advantage of the narrow window opened by the undeniably historical context. It also made it possible not to undermine a Constitution already tested and recognized as determining for the “constitutional patriotism” which characterizes the post-war liberal and democratic German order. Finally, this path corresponded to the convictions of the majority of actors – not only those of the government coalition led by Helmut Kohl (1930-2017), but also those of a large part of public opinion, including the 'East. At least this is what we were able to deduce from the elections to the People's Chamber of March 18, 1990: this last vote of the Parliament of the former GDR, for the first time organized freely, had in fact led to the victory of an “Alliance for Germany” clearly supported by the promise of rapid reunification.
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Source: Lemonde